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中国日报网 2015-01-23 09:49





PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thankyou, General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke,faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of thisproud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the UnitedStates Army。



I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno,as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Pointhimself. To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on theLong Gray Line。



Among you is the first all-female command team: ErinMauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and JoshHerbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line。(Laughter。)



To the entire class, let me reassure you in these finalhours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who areon restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Laughter, applause。)Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I wasin school.



I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to yourfamilies. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot ofparents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride atwhat they are committing to do in the service of our country。” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I would askall of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans amongus, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq andAfghanistan, as well as their families. (Applause。)It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect onthose who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a fewdays after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who maynot be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. (Cheers, applause。)



When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had morethan 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Ourcounterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s coreleadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. And our nation wasjust beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the GreatDepression。Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscapehas changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our warin Afghanistan. Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region betweenPakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more。(Cheers, applause。) And through it all, we’ve refocusedour investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: agrowing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home。



In fact, by most measures America has rarely been strongerrelative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggestthat America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- areeither misreading history or engaged in partisan politics。Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of adirect threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to thedangers we faced during the Cold War. Meanwhile, our economy remains the mostdynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow moreenergy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaledin the history of nations。America continues to attract striving immigrants. Thevalues of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements inpublic squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, orschoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building inUkraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. (Applause。) So theUnited States is and remains the one indispensable nation. That has been truefor the century past, and it will be true for the century to come。But the world is changing with accelerating speed. Thispresents opportunity, but also new dangers. We know all too well, after 9/11,just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states inthe hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm。






Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet statesunnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic riseand military reach worries its neighbors。From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete withus, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. And even as developingnations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social mediamakes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failingstates and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice ageneration ago。It will be your generation’s task torespond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you willface, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secureour peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe。Now, this question isn’t new. At leastsince George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those whowarned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our securityor economic well-being。Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts inSyria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And notsurprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, thatview is shared by many Americans。A different view, from interventionists from the left andright, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimatesafeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to actin the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates ourconscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future。And each side can point to history to support its claims,but I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It isabsolutely true that in the 21st century, American isolationism is not anoption. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyondour borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger toAmerican citizens。As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacityof battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. Regionalaggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern Ukraine or the South ChinaSea or anywhere else in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and coulddraw in our military. We can’t ignore what happens beyond ourboundaries。

不久前,俄罗斯派兵入侵前苏联加盟共和国——乌克兰,这一军事动作牵动欧洲各国神经,与此同时,中国经济崛起及其军事走向则引发邻国担忧。从巴西到印度,新兴中产阶级在与我们展开竞争,此外,各国谋求在国际事务中争取更多话语权。尽管发展中国家拥护民主、认同市场经济,但全天候新闻以及社交媒体报道使得人们无法对接连发生在这些国家的派系冲突、国家衰败与民众暴动等事件视而不见。然而,这些对于上一代人而言,只能引来他们的“侧目”罢了。如何能在新形势下有所作为的重担就要落在你们这一代的肩上了。摆在我们面前的问题,不是美国是否处在领导地位,而是她将如何引领各国;不只是美国能否实现繁荣发展,而是她如何能在全球范围内“播撒”和平与繁荣的“种子”,而这也是你们将来要面对的问题。这个问题并非新鲜。至少,自乔治-华盛顿就任总司令——即美国爆发独立战争以来,就存在一些警告的声音,表示反对美国卷入与本国国家安全或经济福祉无直接关联的外部纷争之中。现在,那些自诩为现实主义者的人认为,美国无需理会发生在叙利亚、乌克兰,以及中非共和国的冲突。的确,在经受了战争以及来自国内的多重挑战之后,这种观点为许多美国人所认同,这并不意外。然而,干涉主义者对此持不同观点。他们认为,无视这些冲突最终会危及我们自身,美国在全球充当“世界警察”角色的意愿能 够最彻底地保卫世界安全,使其免于陷入混乱。而若美国对叙利亚的暴乱或俄罗斯的挑衅撒手不管、无所作为的话,那么这不仅违背我们的良心,也会使得这些行径在未来愈演愈烈。尽管双方的观点从历史角度看都成立,但我认为他们并没有充分反映当前形势下的需求。显然,对21世纪的美国而言,孤 立主义行不通。我们无法对发生在世界其他地区的事情漠然视之。例如,如果核燃料不安全,那么它就会威及美国人民的生命。随着叙利亚内战战火跨越边境,受战争洗礼的极端组织攻击美国的能力也在增强。地区冲突接踵而至,无论是在乌克兰南部地区、南海亦或是世界其他地方,如果我们对此坐视不管,最终这将危及美国盟友的利益,美军也会卷入其中。因此,我们必须时刻关注外界事态。


And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have areal stake -- abiding self-interest -- in making sure our children and ourgrandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped; whereindividuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribeor faith or political belief。I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance isnot only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe。But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace andfreedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a militarysolution. Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not fromour restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures withoutthinking through the consequences, without building international support andlegitimacy for our action, without leveling with the American people about thesacrifices required. Tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conformsto slogans. As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on thissubject, said at this ceremony in 1947, “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberateprovocation is a black crime against all men。”Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women inuniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you hereat West Point. Four of the service members who stood in the audience when Iannounced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in thateffort. A lot more were wounded。

此外,跳出这些狭隘的理论框架来看,我认为大家还存在着一个真正的共同关切——持久的个人利益,那就是要始终确保我们的子孙后代成长在这样一个世界当中,在那里,人们不会因为种族、信仰或政治理念的迥异而劫持女学生或滥杀无辜。我认为,建设一个更加自由及包容的世界不仅在道德上势在必行,而且有助于维护我们自身安全。尽管我们有意向在全球倡导和平与自由,但这并不意味着我们要借助军事手段来解决每个问题。二战结束以来,我们所犯的那些严重的错误,皆源自我们倾向于以诉诸武力的方式来解决问题,而对后果考虑不周、缺乏国际支持及法律支持,也没有向美国人民交代他们需要作出的牺牲,以使他们心中有数。虽然强硬的表态时常占据报纸头条,但战争却很少与口号“步调一致”。正如对这个问题深有体会的艾森豪威尔将军(General Eisenhower),于1947年在西点军校毕业典礼上所说的那样:“战争是人类最悲惨、最愚笨的蠢行,无论是蓄意挑起战争,还是为其献计献策,这都是对全人类犯下的滔天罪行。”与他一样,这一代的军人——无论男女,都对战争理解深刻。这其中也包括了你们西点毕业生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗时,听众当中的4名服役人员后来就在那里壮烈牺牲。此外,还有许多西点士兵受伤。


I believe America’s security demandedthose deployments. But I am haunted by those deaths. I am haunted by thosewounds. And I would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if Isent you into harm’s way simply becauseI saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because Iwas worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way forAmerica to avoid looking weak。



Here’s my bottom line: America must alwayslead on the world stage. If we don’t, no one else will.The military that you have joined is, and always will be, the backbone of thatleadership. But U.S. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary --component of our leadership in every instance. Just because we have the best hammerdoes not mean that every problem is a nail。



And because the costsassociated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilianleader -- and especially your commander in chief -- to be clear about how thatawesome power should be used. So let me spend the rest of mytime describing my vision for how the United States of America, and ourmilitary, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of thatleadership。



First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at theoutset of my presidency: The United States will use military force,unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our peopleare threatened; when our livelihoods are at stake; when the security of ourallies is in danger。



In these circumstances, we still need to ask toughquestions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just.International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission toprotect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (Applause。)



On the other hand, when issues of global concern do notpose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake, whencrises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerousdirection but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for militaryaction must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone.Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. Wehave to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just,necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances,we have to work with others because collective action in thesecircumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained,less likely to lead to costly mistakes。



This leads to my second point. For the foreseeable future,the most direct threat to America, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but astrategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networksis naive and unsustainable. I believe we must shift our counterterrorismstrategy, drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraqand Afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terroristnetworks seek a foothold。



And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact thattoday’s principal threat no longer comes from acentralized al-Qaida leadership. Instead it comes from decentralized al-Qaidaaffiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the countries wherethey operate. And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-styleattacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S. personneloverseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens the danger to lessdefensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi. So we have todevelop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reachwithout sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up localresentments。

并且,对新战略的需求反映出一个事实:今天我们主要的威胁不再是来自于基地组织的集中领导,而是来自分散的 “基地”组织分支机构和极端分子,其中很多都在他们从事活动的国家内进行活动。虽然这种情况降低了美国本土遭受大规模911式袭击的可能性,但是就像我们 在班加西(Benghazi)看到的那样,这会增加美国海外人员遇险的可能性。就像我们在内罗毕(Nairobi)购物商场看到的那样,这还会增加防备薄 弱目标遇险的可能性。因此,我们需要制定战略应对这种传播式的威胁,这一战略必须能够在不派遣军队、避免战线过长、避免引发当地不满情绪的前提下扩大我们的影响力。


We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. Andempowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we arecurrently doing in Afghanistan. Together with our allies, America struck hugeblows against al-Qaida core and pushed back against an insurgency thatthreatened to overrun the country。

我们需要合作伙伴一起打击恐怖分子。我们在阿富汗已经完成和正在进行的工作,很大一部份是为了增进伙伴的自治能力。在 与盟友的共同努力下,美国给基地组织核心造成了沉重的打击,挫败了其试图颠覆国家的叛乱活动。


But sustaining this progress depends on the ability ofAfghans to do the job. And that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands ofAfghan soldiers and police. Earlier this spring, those forces -- those Afghanforces -- secured an election in which Afghans voted for the first democratictransfer of power in their history. And at the end of this year, a new Afghanpresident will be in office, and America’s combatmission will be over。



Now -- (applause) -- that was anenormous achievement made because of America’s armedforces. But as we move to a train and advise mission in Afghanistan, ourreduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threatsin the Middle East and North Africa. So earlier this year I asked my nationalsecurity team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asiato the Sahel。



Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress tosupport a new counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, whichwill allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on thefront lines. And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill differentmissions, including training security forces in Yemen who’ve gone on the offensive against al-Qaida, supporting amultinational force to keep the peace in Somalia, working with European alliesto train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya andfacilitating French operations in Mali。



A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisisin Syria. As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers there, no militarysolution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. As president,I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle ofthis increasingly sectarian civil war, and I believe that is the rightdecision. But that does not mean we shouldn’t help theSyrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people.And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their ownfuture, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists whofind safe haven in the chaos。



So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq -- as theycontend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those inthe Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutaldictators. And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies inEurope and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis andto make sure that those countries and not just the United States arecontributing their fair share of support to the Syrian people。



Let me make one final point about our efforts againstterrorism. The partnerships I’ve described do not eliminate the need totake direct action when necessary to protect ourselves. When we have actionableintelligence, that’s what we do, through captureoperations, like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bombour embassies in 1998 to face justice, or drone strikes, like those we’ve carried out in Yemen and Somalia。



There are times when those actions are necessary and wecannot hesitate to protect our people. But as I said last year, in taking directaction, we must uphold standards that reflect our values. That means takingstrikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where thereis no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties, for ouractions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we takeoff the battlefield。



I also believe we must be more transparent about both thebasis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carriedout. We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikesor training partners. I will increasingly turn to our military to take the leadand provide information to the public about our efforts. Our intelligencecommunity has done outstanding work and we have to continue to protect sourcesand methods, but when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we faceterrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with ourpartners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government。

我也相信我们必须在反恐行动的出发点和具体行动方式方面更为公开。不管是无人机打击或是训练盟友的军队,我们必 须向公众解释我们的行动。我将会要求美军带头,向公众提供与我们行动相关的信息。我们的情报机构工作出色,我们必须继续保护我们的信息来源和获取途径。但如果我们不能清楚、公开地解释我们的行动,我们就会面对恐怖分子的大肆宣传和国际社会的质疑,就会在我们伙伴国和人民面前失去合法性,就会失去我们政府的 信誉。


And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to athird aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen andenforce international order。



After World War II, America had the wisdom to shapeinstitutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from NATO and theUnited Nations, to the World Bank and IMF. These institutions are not perfect,but they have been a force multiplier. They reduce the need for unilateralAmerican action and increase restraint among other nations。

二战之后,美国高瞻远瞩,设立了从北约、联合国到世界银行、国际货币组织一系列机构来维护人类和平、支持人类进步。这 些机构并不完美,但是他们将我们的力量放大了数倍。他们减少美国进行单边行动的需要,同时也增强了其他国家之间的制约能力。


Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture mustchange as well. At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke aboutthe need for a peace based upon a gradual evolution in human institutions. Andevolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must bea critical part of American leadership。



Now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics who oftendownplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. For them, working throughinternational institutions, like the U.N. or respecting international law, is asign of weakness. I think they’re wrong. Let me offer just two exampleswhy。



In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actionsrecall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe. But this isn’t the Cold War. Our ability to shape world opinion helpedisolate Russia right away. Because of Americanleadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions, Europe and the G-7joined with us to impose sanctions, NATO reinforced our commitment to EasternEuropean allies, the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy, OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstableparts of Ukraine。



And this mobilization of world opinion and internationalinstitutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troopson the border and armed militias in ski masks。



This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday,I spoke to their next president. We don’t know how thesituation will play out, and there will remain grave challenges ahead, butstanding with our allies on behalf of international order, working withinternational institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people tochoose their future -- without us firing a shot。



Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United Statesand Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years.But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposedsanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to theIranian government. And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differencespeacefully. The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options toprevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. But for the first time in adecade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement, onethat is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through theuse of force. And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness towork through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side。



The point is, this is American leadership. This is Americanstrength。



In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specificchallenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that cananticipate and prevent problems from spreading。



For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world hasever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meetnew missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured,but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO alliesmust pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states andtrain a network of partners。

比如,众所周知,北大西洋公约组织是世界上最强大的联盟之一,但是我们现在同它进行合作,以应对其在欧洲内部和其他 地区的新任务。在欧洲内部,我们的东部盟国必须获得保护。而在其他地区,我们北大西洋公约组织的盟国也必须有效地进行反恐活动,帮助失利的国家并培养我们的伙伴国。


Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace instates torn apart by conflict. Now, we need to make sure that those nations whoprovide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peaceso that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen ourinvestment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions becausehaving other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the needfor us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way tolead. (Applause。)

同样地,联合国提供了一个平台,以维护那些因冲突而分裂的国家的和平。现在,我们需要确保那些提供了维和人员的 国家已接受了训练,配齐了装备,能够真正维护和平,这样我们就能防止我们在刚果和苏丹看到的那种杀戮。我们会加大对这些支持维和行动国家的投资。因为令其他国家用自己的力量维持自己地盘的秩序,可以减少我们使用武力造成伤害的必要性。这是智慧的投资。这也是我们正确的领导之路。(掌声雷动)


Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directlyto armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure ournetworks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’resupporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct withChina on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law。

但是要记住,不是所有的国际准则都与军事冲突直接相关。我们面临着网络黑客攻击问题,这也是我们致力于实施和加强在网络中的行为准则,以保护我们的互联网和我们的公民的原因。在亚太地区,我们支持东南亚国家同中国协商在中国南海海事纠纷中的行为准则,同时我们也支持通过国际法解 决这些纠纷。


That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the globaleffort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that willhelp shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugeeflows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why,next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together aglobal framework to preserve our planet。

我们需要用合作的精神激励全球努力应对气候变化,这是一个日益严重的国家安全危机,决定你们从军期间的整体形势。我们要 应对难民流动、自然灾害,水资源和食物的问题。这也是我下一年计划确保美国能够带头建立一个保护我们星球的全球框架的原因。


You see, American influence is always stronger when we leadby example. We cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else.We can’t call on others to make commitments to combatclimate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is takingplace. We can’t try to resolve problems in the SouthChina Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Conventionis ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top militaryleaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership. That’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would beutterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy。

大家知道,但凡美国以身说法,实现领导,美国的影响力就会加大。大家都普遍遵循的规则,我们不能不遵守;如果我们多数 领导人否认气候变化这一事实,我们也就无法号召大家齐心协力,共对气候变化。虽然我国军方高层领导人都认为《海洋法公约》的通过会提高我国的国家安全,但如果我们无法确保美国参议院通过该公约,我们也就无法解决中国南海问题。这都不是领导,是退缩;不是强大,是软弱。这与罗斯福,杜鲁门,艾森豪威尔,肯尼 迪等领导人的风格截然相反。


I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of mybeing. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout internationalnorms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through ouractions。(Applause。)



And that’s why I will continue to push toclose Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permitthe indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause。) That’s why we’re putting in place newrestrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we willhave fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause。)America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, nomatter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting peace that can only comethrough opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to thefourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act onbehalf of human dignity。



America’s support for democracy and human rightsgoes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. Democracies are ourclosest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on freeand open markets perform better and becomemarkets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instabilityand the grievances that fuel violence and terror。



A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitalsaround the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. Thecancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies andenraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares。



And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals inparts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. But rememberthat because of America’s efforts -- because of Americandiplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military --more people live under elected governments today than at any time in humanhistory. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist cancontrol. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out ofpoverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of anauthoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-termprospect of more responsive and effective governance。



In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that ourrelationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israelto shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperationwith the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reformsthat the Egyptian people have demanded。



And meanwhile, look at a country like Myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractabledictatorship and hostile to the United States. Forty million people. Thanks tothe enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we tookthe diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we haveseen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by Myanmarleadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement withAmerica and our allies。



We’re now supporting reform and badly needednational reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and,at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but ifMyanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot-- American leadership。



In each of these cases, we should not expect change tohappen overnight. That’s why we form alliances -- not only withgovernments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, Americais not afraid of individual empowerment. We are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’restrengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened bystriving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’restrengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and womenand girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause。)



I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, whereAmerican assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation,while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populationsonce endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy.And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism andconflict。



Now, tragically, no American security operation caneradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram -- the groupthat kidnapped those girls。



And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also onsupporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of thehard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became thestrongest advocate for diplomacy and development. Theyunderstood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice todo apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It ispart of what makes us strong。



Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see theworld as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared forthe worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership alsorequires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirationsof individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fearsgovern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer thecurrents of history in the direction of justice. And we cannot do that withoutyou。



Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on thequiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy thatno other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team thatextends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of yourservice, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts。



You’ll get to know allies and train partners.And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world。



Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men whostormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for manyAmericans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those whoboarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At WestPoint, you define what it means to be a patriot。



Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy. Hethen served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was ina foreign land, helping people he’d never met,putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of hiscommunity and his family and the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs inan attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded but just asdetermined as the day that he arrived here at West Point. And he developed asimple goal. Today his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise,Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Cheers, applause。)

3年前,加文-怀特(GavinWhite)从西点毕业,前往阿富汗服役。和每一位投身阿富汗前线的士兵一样,加文背井离乡,帮助素未谋面的当地人,为了军队,家人和美国人民的利益不辞劳苦。加文在一次战斗中不幸失去一条腿。去年我在沃尔特-里德(Walter Reed)陆军医疗中心见过他。尽管负了伤,他仍然像刚进西点时一样,不忘初心,并且立下另一个志愿。今天,他的妹妹摩根(Morgan)也将从这里毕业。加文终于能够兑现当初的承诺,和妹妹互敬军礼。


We have been through a long season of war. We have facedtrials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisionsabout how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that willalways triumph。



Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellowcitizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Yourcharge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right andjust. As your commander in chief, I know you will. May God bless you. May Godbless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States ofAmerica. (Cheers, applause。)




















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